- Introduction
- The Cross
- The Cross and the Founder
- A companion: Father Tempier
- The Cross, Constitutions and Rules, and Oblate Life
- Conclusion
INTRODUCTION
During a retreat in 1814, Eugene de Mazenod remembers what happened to him when he prayed before the cross in a church in Aix, on Good Friday, some seven years earlier: “I looked for happiness outside of God and for too long with resulting unhappiness. How often in my past life had my wounded, tormented heart taken wings for God from whom it had turned away! Can I forget the bitter tears that the sight of the cross brought streaming from my eyes one Good Friday? Indeed they welled up from the heart, there was no checking them, they were too abundant for me to be able to hide them from those who like myself were assisting at that moving ceremony. I was in a state of mortal sin and it was precisely this that made me grieve. I could then, and also on some other instance, perceive the difference. Never was my soul more satisfied, never did it feel such happiness; for in the midst of this flood of tears, despite my grief, or rather through my grief, my soul took wings for its last end, towards God its only good whose loss it felt so keenly. Why say more? Could I ever express what I experienced then? Just the memory of it fills my heart with a sweet satisfaction” [1].
It was a turning point in Eugene’s life, possibly one of the most decisive moments of conversion in his life. It brought him face to face with the cross, upon which hung the lifeless body of Jesus, the utmost sign of human poverty in suffering and death, bringing bitter tears to the eyes of Eugene when he recognized his ingratitude, in offending God who had shed His blood for him. Yet, it is also the utmost sign of the immensity of the love and the mercy of God, creating in Eugene happiness and the ardent desire to make reparation by a total gift of self.
In this article on the Oblate cross, we will see some of the traces of the encounters between the cross and Eugene de Mazenod, which made him adopt, and treasure, the cross as a particular sign for the Missionary Oblates.
THE CROSS
The cross has always had its unique place in the history of salvation, as a sign of contradiction, where suffering and death turn into resurrection and salvation. Yet, depending on time and culture, the cross has evoked different ways for us to respond to this mystery [2]. Scripture often relates the death of Jesus with his obedience and his fidelity to his Father (e.g. Phil. 2: 8; Rom. 5: 19), but we are well aware of the fact that the disciples and the early Christians saw the cross as a scandal, a sign of a death of the out-cast and abandoned. Saint Paul’s letters testify to the fact that fairly soon the Christians were able to see the death of Jesus as the perfect sacrifice, which redeems sinners and re-establishes the covenant with God – in short, it is a sign of love and of reconciliation. It is not until Christianity is recognised in the Roman Empire that the cross is brought out in the open and publicly venerated in liturgies and pilgrimages. Throughout Medieval times the cross has a particular significance for monastic life, where the one professed was called to be crucified to the world. The cross also became more important in popular piety, and crosses in wood or stone began to appear as a blessing or for protection, being recognised officially when Pope Sergius I instituted the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, in 701. This devotion culminated, in a certain sense, with the spirituality of Saint Bernard (+1153), Saint Bonaventure (+1274), and Saint Gertrude (+1302), when the human element of the mysteries of the Incarnation was emphasized, which centred much of the popular devotion on the suffering and the crucifixion of the Saviour.
During the 16th century, St. Ignatius Loyola, St. Teresa of Avila and St. John of the Cross, contributed to this devotion with their ascetic rules and their mysticism, respectively, based on their meditation of the passion of Christ. With St. Paul of the Cross (+1775) and St. Alphonsus Liguori (+1787), the passion of Christ and the love of the crucified Christ becomes a dominant theme in preaching, and this carries over as an integral part of the spirituality of many new Religious Congregations, founded during the 19th century. There are also many particular devotions appearing during these centuries, all linked to the mystery of redemption, such as the Sacred Heart and the Precious Blood.
In our own century we still see many of these popular devotions, but our way of looking at the cross is changing, as we tend to speak more often about the resurrection and as we tend to see the cross in the poor and in the suffering around us.
THE CROSS AND THE FOUNDER
In the earlier writings of the Founder, particularly during his retreats as a seminarian at Saint-Sulpice, the cross is often an important theme of meditation and prayer [3]. In a long letter to his grandmother, in 1809, he describes at length a day’s pilgrimage to the Calvaire at Mont-Valérien with processions, the Via Crucis, a High Mass, and “a little talk by the parish priest… delivered at the foot of the Cross” [4]. By the time of his ordinations, the cross appears in his notes directly linked to this sacrament. So, for example, the account of his ordination to the sub-diaconate: “If today the casual spectator who is drawn by idle curiosity into the Temple should find himself entranced at the sight of a host of levites drawn from every part of this vast empire pressing forward in holy rivalry to beg with insistence, some for admission to, others for promotion in, the saintly ranks; … if, astonished by a devotion which makes them doubt the evidence of their own eyes, they remain in wonderment that men should run to embrace the cross of the Saviour with more joy today, when this sacred wood offers but bitterness and sorrow, than they did in the days when on taking it for one’s lot one shared much more in the glory than in the sufferings of Jesus;… [5]“
Eugene also stated clearly that the“love of the cross of Jesus Christ” were to be part of the intention for his First Mass [6], and in a text titled ‘General resolution’ (from about the same time), his resolution is to be “wholly God’s and for all… to seek only the cross of Jesus Christ… [7]“.
Another significant event during his time at Saint-Sulpice, was the expulsion of his Superior and friend Fr. Émery, by the French authorities. In a letter to his mother in 1810 he tells of the sad event of Fr. Émery’s departure: ” ‘Dear Father’, I cried out with all the sorrow I was feeling, ‘Dear Father, don’t leave your children without giving them your blessing’. At these words everyone sobbed all the more and we all fell spontaneously to our knees. This went right to the depths of his heart and melting into tears he said: ‘As you wish’, as if violence had been done to his humility. Then with a prayerful gesture towards the crucifix at the end of the hall, and with his eyes fixed firmly on our Saviour, the source of all his strength, he prayed for his blessing on us and then bestowed it in his name” [8].
Throughout his life the cross continues to be present, particularly in his letters, as he meets difficulties, or as he, as Bishop and Superior General, has to console and encourage others [9].
Even at the very end of Eugene’s life, Fr. Henry Tempier writes to the OMI Fathers and Brothers that “it is not possible to tell you the example he gave, the sentiments he manifested during these three days [of preparing himself for the Sacrament of the sick]. We consider it a special grace to have seen and heard what we did. ‘I am on the cross’, he cried out. ‘I gladly stay on the cross and offer my sufferings to God for my dear Oblates‘.” [10]
Some of the more significant moments in his life were at the foot of the cross, either at the times when he felt ready to go into battle for his Master, or, when there was nothing to say, only to kneel humbly in silence before the crucifix [11]. However, we recognise two well-known events that took place before the crucifix, the first one being the Founder’s first, and unsigned, letter to Fr. Tempier: “My dear friend, read this letter at the foot of your crucifix with a mind to heed only God and what is demanded in the interests of his glory and of the salvation of souls from a priest like yourself… [12]“, and the second being the beginning of the Congregation when the Founder wrote the first Constitutions and Rules at Saint-Laurent in 1818, sitting or kneeling before his missionary cross, which he had put on his desk [13].
1. THE FOUNDER AND THE MISSIONARY OBLATE CROSS
The missionary cross, at the time of the founding of the Congregation, would have been common among the missionaries preaching missions [14]. However, the Founder adopted it, and recognised it as having a particular value. At a very early date, he even ventured to challenge the founder of the Missionaries of France, Fr. Forbin-Janson, on the use of the crucifix, a challenge which is worthwhile to quote in its entirety: “While on this subject, I take the liberty of telling you that you would have done well to adopt the use of the crucifix, at least during the conducting of your missions. You would hardly believe the effect it produces and how useful it is. People accustomed to ecclesiastical attire are little impressed; but the crucifix to them is awesome. How often have I seen, even amongst libertines, some who, when they see it, cannot help removing their hats. It gives a decided authority; it distinguishes the missionaries from other priests; and that indeed is good because the missionary should be regarded as an extraordinary man. It is useful to the priest in the confessional and, on the day of absolution, it helps the penitent, in whose hands we place it, to conceive sorrow for his sins, to detest them and even to weep because of them. It must needs be that what we have experienced has at all times been acknowledged since, in other Catholic countries, all missionaries carry it as a sign of authority for their mission, etc. I cannot imagine how you have been prevented by the feeble reasons that those who think you should not carry it have given. This to me is an act of weakness, a shameful tribute that you are willing to give to the philosophy of a small number of persons whose antipathy you should have scorned. It would seem that you are fearful of taking part in the folly of the cross. What shall I say to you? I blame this human prudence. You must be more openly a Christian, a priest and an apostle than you have been in this circumstance. You know that I speak my thoughts frankly. But only to you do I say this. It is not a matter of excuses” [15].
Obviously, wearing the missionary cross is not only for the people whom the missionary encounters, but also for the missionary himself. According to the 1818 Constitutions and Rules, the missionary cross will serve as a constant reminder of the virtues of humility, patience, charity, and modesty [16].
At the very end of the mission in Aix, 1820, the Archbishop turned to Eugene, as the preacher, asking him to bless the people. After a moment of hesitation, Eugene slowly removed his missionary cross and blessed the people with it [17].
In 1830 the passing on of missionary crosses from deceased Oblates to new Oblates is already part of the Oblate tradition: “They [the missionary crosses) must be passed on to the new Oblates who will profit from such a heritage. I wish to have proper care shown in this distribution” [18]. Fr. Courtès, who wanted to keep the cross of Fr. Arnoux, got the following reply from the Founder: “As I read your modest plea regarding the cross of our Fr. Arnoux, I almost sided with your opinion, feeling that the reasons you gave were well founded, but to decide thus would occasion some inconvenience. We would in fact have to keep a forest of crosses in our houses for I hope, thanks to the goodness of God, that all those who die in the bosom of the Society will arrive in heaven laden with merits after having edified their brothers and dedicated their lives in the service of the Church and the sanctification of souls. Who will be the judge of the degree of heroism to which one must attain in order to be preferred, supposing that we wish to grant this only to an excellence that is remarkable.” [19]
This outward sign of the missionary Oblate cross continues to be crucial for the Founder. In 1852 he replies to Fr. Étienne Semeria, in Ceylon, when challenged by a Bishop who did not want the Oblates to wear their crosses: “As for Bishop Bravi’s whim in not wanting our Oblates to wear the Crucifix of their profession openly, I cannot agree to that in the ordinary way of their life and in the places where they have missions. If there is any serious reason for not showing the crucifix openly in the city of Colombo, it could there be put under the cassock as is sometimes done elsewhere, so long as the cord is left outside so that it is clear that a man is really wearing this sacred sign of our apostolic mission” [20].
And, when the Bishop seems to insist, he writes again to Fr. Semeria: “If necessary, it should be explained that with us the cross is an essential part of our religious habit. We do not wear a hood or a rosary hanging from our belts, but the cross is given on the day of profession as a distinctive sign of our ministry. We do not therefore wear it ad libitum as other missionaries do” [21].
2. THE FOUNDER AND THE MISSION CROSSES
During the missions preached in cities and villages, a large crucifix played a major role. It was to be given to the Superior of the Mission, by the parish priest, to be venerated by all the missionaries of the Mission, and then used to bless the people [22]. At the end of the mission the cross remained “planted” [23] somewhere in the city or in the village. It suffices to read the account of the mission in Marignane, 1816, to see how important this cross was, in the overall conducting of the mission. [24] And, they must have been quite impressive, some of these missions, gathering sometimes several thousand people around the cross! [25]
Yet, it is precisely these mission crosses which so often were the visible objects of the disagreements and conflicts with the French authorities. There are many letters by the Founder, dealing with the necessity of defending these crosses from having them being taken down. The following is an example from 1831: “In heaven’s name, gather closely around this good Saviour who has made his home amongst you, redouble your love and your reverence for his divine person, press your lips again and again to the altar where he lies. Prostrate yourselves before him and pay him all the honour that is his due. Give him tangible proof of your desire to make reparation for all the outrages he is receiving in France. It is not only images of him that are being profaned: his very body has in these days been trodden underfoot and devoured by wicked men in the church of Saint Louis in Paris. A shudder goes through me as I felt it. This is where the illusion of freedom has brought us. For our part here, we have done our duty and rallied to the defense of the sacred wood of the Cross. They did not only want to take it away from us but to make us tear it down with our own hands. Twice his Lordship the Mayor sent us a member of the Town Council to persuade us to do that infamous thing on the pretext that it was the only way to save the town from a massacre. You can imagine how we replied and with what indignation we repulsed that infamous suggestion and so frustrated their wicked plan. But I would not be so bold as to say they will not have their way in the end, if anti-religious acts continue to get protection. The fact remains that no priest of Jesus Christ will ever make himself an accomplice in such grave crimes nor be an idle on-looker while mankind’s Saviour endures anew his passion” [26].
On the other hand, when the Founder can show even the French authorities that a Feast of the Cross in Marseilles (in 1831) can be conducted successfully and with no incidents, there is real joy: “It was consoling to think that, while in most French towns Christ had been profaned and his cross torn from the people’s midst, our cross in the heart of an immense population soared above every head and was displayed as in the greatest days of its triumph. As a help to our people’s piety and to make reparation as far as it lay in our power for the outrages that Jesus our God had suffered elsewhere, we decided to give to this beautiful feast all the pomp that the people had the right to expect, in line with this, the full octave was announced at Calvaire, a triumphal arch was erected above the cross, the holy place was adorned with garlands of greenery, banners and tapestries and drew the attention of the passers-by, ravished with joy on learning of a ceremony so much in tune with their sentiments…
…Nothing like it has been seen since the mission. Good order, piety and joy overflowing amongst the faithful. The presence of the crowd around the cross went on throughout the day and it was quite a job to move them out from Calvaire – from the outer boundary I mean, needless to say that the church was full too – when we wanted to lock up at nightfall. There were no incidents, whether in the course of the procession or later, that could have given the least cause for alarm; on the contrary, tears flowed from all eyes as countless throats cried out with full voice: Long live Jesus, long live his cross!” [27]
It is not surprising then that he replies somewhat harshly when Fr. Eugene Bruno Guigues, in 1838, suggests a few changes in the conducting of a mission: “If it were a question of modifying some customs, that would be understandable, but to change according to each one’s caprice now one thing, again something else, that will never be as long as there is order and a sense of religion, and some religious who wish to preserve our traditions in the Congregation. Bishops and Cardinals carry the processional cross during Jubilees and times of disasters, and a missionary would blush if he were to carry this precious burden when it is a question of drawing God’s mercy on a people gone astray! Would he not realise that it is so much in conformity with the spirit of Jesus Christ to make public reparation in the name of the sinners he has come to save? I am not speaking about going bare-footed, this has never been prescribed, but the ceremony itself, the sermon on this subject, we do these things without a spirit of faith? What an acknowledgement!” [28]
3. THE FOUNDER, THE CROSS, AND CHRIST THE SAVIOUR
Having seen some traces above of the encounters between Eugene and the cross, we now turn to some related themes, which are needed in order to appreciate what the cross means for Eugene. Jesus Christ as Saviour is intrinsically linked to the cross, and such an important and vast theme that we can here only hint at its relevance for the theme of the cross.
In Eugene’s earlier writings, where we see a more visible journey of conversion, his sins are very often put, as a contrast, before the God of mercy, who came among us only to call sinners, whom he holds to his heart, and for whom He is the Saviour [29]. In his notes from the retreat preceding his priestly ordination, in 1811, he begins by calling his many sins to mind, yet turns immediately to God, whom he calls “my Saviour”, and whom he constantly recognises as being a God of mercy and a “good Father” [30]. As time passes, Eugene seems to be less preoccupied with his past sins, and writes more and more about sins and the Saviour in terms of redemption, and in terms of co-operating with the Saviour in the redemption of the world, by reaching out to the poor and the sinners, and by making reparation. In a post um added to a letter to the missionaries of Aix, in July of 1816, he writes: “I wish you to change the end of our litanies; instead of saying Jesus Sacerdos, we must say Christe Salvator. That is the aspect under which we ought to contemplate our divine Master. Our particular vocation is such that we are associated in a special manner with the redemption of men; the Blessed Liguori has likewise put his Congregation under the protection of the Saviour. Would that we all endeavour, by the sacrifice of our entire being, not to render his redemption useless, both in regard to ourselves and in regard to those whom we are called upon to evangelise. [31]
And, in a Nota bene, in the 1818 Constitutions and Rules: “What more sublime purpose than that of their Institute? Their founder is Jesus Christ, the very Son of God; their first fathers are the Apostles. They are called to be the Saviour’s co-workers, the co-redeemers of mankind…” [32]
4. THE FOUNDER AND THE BLOOD OF CHRIST [33]
A second crucial theme is the Blood of Christ, which relates both to the cross and to Jesus Christ Saviour. Being an important theme for Eugene and for the Church of his time, it certainly contained many images, and perhaps, for some, a particular devotion, yet for Eugene it remains an integral part of the whole mystery of salvation [34]. Before this God of mercy and of sinners, who calls Eugene and the Congregation to become co-redeemers, Eugene sees the Blood of Christ as the very price of the redemption of humankind. Further, his writings and his life are fully imbued with a kind of certainty that God really wants the salvation of each and everyone, and, therefore, the Blood of Christ is the price paid for all of us.
In his study on the “Blood of the Saviour”, Émilien Lamirande claims that this theme constitutes one of the central themes of Eugene’s spirituality, gradually growing to a deeper understanding of the Blood of the Saviour through which “humanity in its entirety was redeemed, the Church given to Christ as inheritance, and souls brought to life and infinitely exalted” [35].
We already recognise the thoughts of the ‘early’ Eugene, in 1808, where his sins are put before the God of mercy, and the Blood of Christ is a sign of redemption: “Ah, if it was in my power to betray the first vows I made in baptism, is it not open to me to follow my Master on to Calvary and do him homage afresh of my fidelity at the foot of his cross and wash my robe in his blood after staining it with my own?” [36]
From here on, according to Lamirande, Eugene progresses to a more universal consideration, to the dignity of the redeemed and of the Church [37].
Towards the end of his life, in his pastoral letter of 1860, we find the following: “This union between the children of men and Jesus Christ was achieved on Calvary when the divine blood flowed in redemption and when grace was merited for them through the passion and death of the Saviour. Through grace we are united to the adorable Mediator and through him to his Father; grace is the bond that links us to him and makes us participants in his merits just as if we had died with him and his blood had mingled with ours and communicated to it the value and power that are essentially inherent in the sacrifice of the God-man” [38].
Although redemption is for all, and the God of mercy always is close to sinners, the image of the Blood of Christ also brings out the necessity of the obligations that follow from our redemption. To remain fully a living part of the body of Christ, to let the Blood of Christ ‘run in our veins’, we have to take our place at the Eucharistic banquet; if not, in a certain sense, we are no longer “of the same blood” [39]. Hence, redemption is a great gift, but, so to speak, it demands something from us as well.
However, redemption might seem to be for people individually, but we are gathered together in the Church, as a ‘purchased people’ filled with dignity because of the price of our redemption. Yet, the Church is particularly great, in the eye s of Eugene, only because she is born by the Blood of Christ: “Born of the blood of God dying upon the cross, she will always exist in conformity to her origin; always, whether robed in purple or bound in dungeons, she will carry this painful cross on which the world’s Salvation is hanging” [40].
It is not only the Church which is precious, because of her great price, but every soul receives an infinite dignity through the Blood of Christ. This conviction on the part of Eugene is seen clearly from the beginning of his ministry as a priest, when he turned to the poor in the church of Saint Mary Magdalene, in 1813: “There is within you an immortal soul made in the image of God whom it is destined to possess one day; a soul redeemed at the cost of Jesus Christ’s blood, which is more precious before God than all the earth’s wealth, than all the kingdoms of this world; a soul of which God is more jealous than he is of governing the entire universe” [41].
This was to be a leading theme throughout his life, which he passed on to his Oblates as a legacy: to be the “glorious instruments of the eternal salvation of souls created in God’s image and redeemed by his blood” [42].
A COMPANION: FATHER TEMPIER
Perhaps, Fr. Tempier was the companion who most closely followed the Founder and who most of all shared the cross. From the very beginning, he is at the side of the Founder, supporting him and encouraging him: “whatever we may have done, how have we deserved this grace thus to share in the precious cross of the Son of God? … It is a grace of predilection which God gives only to his saints; how could we then complain?” [43]
On July 8 1823, Tempier was named Vicar General of Marseilles (Eugene was named Vicar General two days before, on the day of the episcopal consecration of his uncle Fortuné) and this new ministry meant a vast amount of work. Fr. Tempier did decline at first, stating among his reasons that Eugene would be absent so much, which meant that the burden would be on the shoulders of Fr. Tempier himself. And this was exactly what happened. If not complaining, at least Fr. Tempier writes often to the Founder, with reports of all that has to be done and all the difficulties. [44] The difficulties increased with the French authorities, and after Eugene was named Bishop, there was suddenly a new conflict, as the authorities demanded that the nomination got royal approval before it was accepted. Fr. Tempier had a very difficult time trying to persuade the Founder to do what was asked of him. Being alone as Vicar General again, he writes to the Founder in 1835: “I think this is the last time that I shall speak to you about all this, for I am sick and tired of it. I can tell you that if a rest is so pleasing to you, I also call and desire a rest at least as much as you. Why is it that I have to be here and let my blood run dry for twelve years, forever harnessed to the cart, in most difficult situations! Providence has always arranged things in such a way that, what ever be the crisis we have had to undergo, no matter what its nature, I have ended up all alone to taste its sweetness…” [45]
Once Eugene took possession of the See of Marseilles, things became easier, both as regards the relation to the French authorities, and for Fr. Tempier as Vicar General. However, because of the deep friendship between him and Eugene the time between Eugene’s death in 1861 and his own in 1870, was to be the most painful in his life. He spent months at the bedside of Eugene, announced his death to the Congregation, and had to deal with the opposition which came out into the open immediately after Eugene’s death [46]. The successor of the Founder as Bishop of Marseilles was part of this opposition, and Fr. Tempier was directly involved in all the difficulties, trying to defend the memory of the Founder, as well as interests of the Congregation. On November 9, 1861, Fr. Joseph Fabre, the successor of the Founder as Superior General, wrote to Bishop Jeancard: “He [Tempier] is really on the cross, this devoted Father who has done so much, for whom we did and are doing so little” [47].
The example of Fr. Tempier, of his entire life and of his spirituality, tells of an Oblate who very much lived in the shadow of the cross, who, together with the Founder and alone, accepted the cross, to let it be part of his life and his ministry. [48]
THE CROSS, THE CONSTITUTIONS AND RULES, AND OBLATE LIFE
In this section will make a rapid reading of the Constitutions and Rules, taking as our point of departure the 1982 Constitutions and Rules and making reference to earlier editions and some commentaries.
In the first part, on the Oblate charism, in the first chapter, on Mission, we find our first reference in C.4: “The cross of Jesus Christ is crucial to our mission. Like the apostle Paul, we ‘preach Christ and him crucified’ (1 Cor. 2: 2). If we bear in our body the death of Jesus, it is with the hope that the life of Jesus, too, may be seen in our body (cf. 2 Cor. 4: 10). Through the eyes of our crucified Saviour we see the world which he redeemed with his blood, desiring that those in whom he continues to suffer will know also the power of his resurrection (cf. Phil. 3: 10).”
This Constitution is read together with two excerpts from 1826, one on “to preach Christ crucified”, and the other on “with Jesus on the cross” [49]. The 1853, the 1928 and the 1966 Constitutions and Rules have all incorporated these [50]. In his apostolate, the Oblate shares in the passion and the cross, which calls for self-denial, but also for daring. The 1966 C. 57 speaks of being “witnesses to the truth” and servants, challenging the Oblate to practice what he preaches and never to act out of self-interest [51].
We recognise immediately some themes from the Founder: the Blood of our crucified Saviour redeems the world, which calls us to reparation, to be witnesses in humility and truth. However, in today’s context, we often speak of the cross together with Easter and the joy of the resurrection, and we are also challenged to look at the world through the eyes of the crucified Saviour, to let this purify the way we look at the world and our apostolate [52].
Our second reference is C. 24, on the vow of obedience, quoting Phil. 2: 8 “became obedient unto death, even death on a cross”. We find this only in 1966, speaking of the extent of our obedience [53].
Thirdly, we find in the section on “Living in Faith” C. 34 on “Suffering and Penance”. The 1853 and 1928 editions have kept the verbatim version of the 1826 edition, whereas the 1966 edition is the basic text of the 1982 edition [54]. In his commentary on the 1982 edition of the Constitutions and Rules, Fr. Fernand Jetté has a rather lengthy passage on this particular Constitution, which he treats as missionary asceticism within the frame of a total oblation, where self-denial and self-discipline call forth a generosity and a conforming of one’s will with the will of God [55].
Fourthly, in the section on “Religious Commitment”, C. 59, speaking of First Vows for the novice. None of the other editions has the wording of C. 59.
Fifthly, in the section on “Religious Commitment”, C. 63 and 64, on the Oblate cross and the Religious Habit. The 1826, 1853, and 1928 editions have the same article (although not verbatim) and the 1966 edition states only that “the crucifix received on the day of their perpetual oblation will be their only distinctive sign” [56].
In the 1826 edition, the cross, as we have already seen, is also mentioned in the section on how to conduct a mission [57]. However, there is also a clause on a tradition of having a cross in every new house, in a conspicuous place, which was to be placed in the hands of the dead Oblates. The cross that went with the Oblate in his grave, was not to be the cross of profession, as this cross was to be passed on to a new Oblate [58].
As we look at the cross today, it seems so often to go together with the question of a good and loving God and all the suffering and evil around us. It is a question of why all this is allowed to happen. Yet, we are asked by our Constitutions and Rules to look at this through the eyes of our crucified Saviour, to recall that all those who suffer become participants in the sufferings of Christ, and we are called to integrate all this in our own lives. As Fr. Jetté writes, on Jesus Christ as the first formator of Oblates: “What Jesus insists on most is that they [the apostles] be able to go beyond a purely human and earthly perception of the Kingdom of God. The criterion he gives them is the mystery of the cross, of salvation through the cross – a scandal to the Jews, foolishness to the pagans, but the very wisdom of God” [59].
CONCLUSION
Certainly, the cross is about suffering. But, in contemplating the cross and the suffering of Christ, the Founder sees the love of God, Saviour and Redeemer, and here he finds his vocation and the vocation for all Oblates. To live this vocation means suffering, the kind of suffering that comes with the denouncing of the spirit of this world, the suffering of self-denial. Further, what really makes it suffering is the extent of his response before the cross, a response which calls him to a total giving, a total generosity and a total love.
Being mindful of our weaknesses, we Oblates will never lose our dignity as redeemed by Christ our Saviour, a dignity which makes us witnesses and servants…, and which calls us, not to decrease, but, to increase and to grow as persons. Yet, the Founder stresses early on a certain passivité, where we are happy to recognise and to receive from God his many gifts, and where we respond fully to his call to be Oblates, to be his co-operators in redeeming the world.
FREDRIK EMANUELSON
